The idea that “educated women make better choices for their lives” is not just an aspirational statement—it’s a reality backed by data. Globally, the adolescent fertility rate among girls aged 15 to 19 has steadily declined. In 1960, the rate stood at 92 births per 1,000 teenage girls, but by 2022, this had dropped to 42 births per 1,000—more than a 50% decrease.
Despite this global progress, tens of thousands of young girls across Africa still experience pregnancy and childbirth every year. Another research done by the African Committee on the Rights and Welfare of the Child points out that one in five girls in Africa will either get pregnant or give birth before the age of 19. Such statistics draw a picture of a society one cannot begin to decipher solely by counting numbers.
Sub-Saharan Africa: A Vicious Cycle of High Fertility and Low Education Rates
For many girls from low-income backgrounds, pregnancy before and during teenage does not only interrupt education but also result in long-term social exclusion. This is especially so in Sub-Saharan Africa where the adolescent fertility rate is high, and education enrollment and completion for girls remains low.
For example, data from the World Bank Group (WBG) reveals that Niger has the world’s highest adolescent fertility rate, with 168 out of every 1,000 teenage girls giving birth in 2022. Meanwhile, 88% of girls in Niger fail to progress to higher education. Chad shows a similar pattern: in 2022, 135 out of every 1,000 adolescent girls gave birth, while 85% of girls had not attended higher education as of 2019. As of 2023, only 25.24% of girls in Chad were enrolled in secondary school.
The link between high birth rates and low education levels is clear, and teenage pregnancies seem like they are one of the main reasons girls drop out of school. These young mothers who are suffering from exclusion in education are subjected to a cycle of early childbirth due to low availability of sexual education, culture practices like child marriage, and lack of proper contraception. Furthermore, employment, health problems and social issues are also the concerns that these young mothers with the scarlet letter have to face inside their families and communities.
Programs and policies that keep girls in school have been shown to significantly reduce early pregnancies. Encouragingly, some countries in Sub-Saharan Africa have made strides in breaking the cycle of adolescent pregnancy and educational exclusion. Seychelles and Botswana offer examples of how investing in women’s education can lower adolescent fertility rates.
According to WBG data, Seychelles recorded an adolescent fertility rate of 52 births per 1,000 girls in 2022, significantly lower than other countries in the region. The country’s Gender Parity Index (GPI)* for higher education—a measure comparing female and male enrollment—stood at an impressive 1.492, indicating substantial gender equality in education. Additionally, as of 2019, only 12% of girls in Seychelles were not enrolled in higher education.
The same successful example was illustrated in the case of Botswana. In 2022 the number of births per thousand girls aged 15-19 years was 48, which is very low compared to other countries in the same region. On secondary and higher education its GPI is 1.113 and 1.361 respectively underscoring stable access to education for young women.
However, the countries where adolescent fertility rates are relatively high, such as Niger and Chad, have ratios of inequality in education that are much higher. Their GPIs in 2020 were 0.394 and 0.481, which alarmingly highlight the gender inequalities in obtaining education. A high GPI indicates more gender equity and thus one can hypothesize that in the countries where the GPI is high, girls could be able to delay childbirth and plan for their future.
*Gender Parity Index (GPI) is an indicator that compares the female enrollment rate to the male enrollment rate at a given level of education. If the GPI is 1 or higher, it means that men and women have equal opportunities to access education. Therefore, it can be analyzed that countries with high GPIs are providing girls with the autonomy to delay childbirth and actively plan for the future.
Addressing the Challenges : The Need for Education and Policy Interventions
Photo: UN Women (CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
The harsh reality remains that countless teenage mothers across Africa are in socially vulnerable positions. These young women, who are in their late teenage or early adulthood still struggling with personal developmental issues, bear immense responsibility for raising children while facing negative judgment from their families, peers, and communities. However, more research is still lacking in addressing how the support for these girls and their children could be provided. Existing policies and programs are usually partial or implemented as small projects or do not possess the necessary organizational basis.
It is therefore crucial for policy makers to find solutions and relaunch educational policies for young to prevent teenage pregnancies. Financial investment should be designed to ensure not only girls enroll in school but also complete higher education more so in developing countries. Early pregnancy must also be addressed by carrying out comprehensive sexual education which otherwise exposes the girls to the dangers.
Photo: nicolasdecorte | Shutterstock.com
Education brings appreciation on contraception, pregnancy signals and health care seeking in need among the girls. Some teenage mothers in Sub-Saharan Africa have actually stated that they did not even know how to prevent pregnancy. This highlights the importance of creating environments where adolescents can receive thorough sexual education and learn effective communication skills in situations where sexual interaction is expected. Such measures would enhance the quality of life for individual girls and at the same time would enhance the social economic development of society.
Importantly, sexual education should not be confined to the classroom. National policies and advocacy groups should aim to raise awareness about the risks of adolescent pregnancies. Community health and contraception programs, school-based education programs all can assist young girls to understand risks attached to early pregnancy and where to go to get the help should their pregnancy be unwanted.
While the relationship between education and adolescent fertility is evident, generalizing this connection remains complex. This article addresses only the latest available data, which may not capture changes over time. Social conditions, ethnic values, availability of health care, and quality education have also not been properly considered in it; this might reduce the scope and the reliability of this assessment.
Understanding the interplay between adolescent fertility and women’s education requires a more comprehensive approach that considers these broader variables. This would enable the development of more effective educational strategies and policies.
Women’s education is a transformative force, not only for individuals but also for society and national development. The evidence is clear: as more girls attend school, the cycle of early childbirth and poverty can be broken. Governments and international organizations must prioritize action to address adolescent pregnancies through education. Education is not just about imparting knowledge—it is the seed of generational change.
In October last year, 35-year-old Park Gyu-ri faced the heartbreaking task of arranging a funeral for her beloved dog. The day her pet passed away, she hurriedly searched for pet cremation services online and made a desperate call. The operator sent her a text with an address and told her to head there.
The location turned out to be a pet crematorium in the Sangnok District of Ansan City. Tucked between a container unit and a greenhouse, the site didn’t inspire confidence. Upon arrival, a staff member presented her with options for a shroud, casket, and other add-ons—at twice the price initially quoted over the phone.
“I couldn’t bring myself to go through with it,” Park said. “The facilities were unclean, and there was an odd smell. I was devastated, but I couldn’t imagine saying goodbye to my dog in such a place.” Later, she discovered the facility was operating illegally.
When this reporter visited the crematorium on May 8, it was as remote as described—a 20-minute taxi ride or over 30 minutes on foot from the nearest bus stop in Ansan.
Outside, a grieving family of four was seen entering the building. All dressed in black, a woman in her 30s wiped away tears as she held the hand of her daughter, a child no older than six with swollen, red eyes. They were saying goodbye to Raon, their companion of 13 years.
When asked if they knew the crematorium was unlicensed, the family seemed puzzled. “This sort of thing has legal and illegal versions?” they asked. A notice posted near the road just outside the crematorium read, “A fine of up to 500,000 KRW for illegal incineration.”
▲ Notice on Illegal Incineration Posted Near the Crematorium Entrance
The interior of the facility was modest. On the right side of the entrance were a small office and consultation room, with a hallway leading to a preparation room, memorial spaces, and, at the back, an observation area connected to the cremation chamber.
One wall was covered with sticky notes left by grieving pet owners. “Deoksun, please wait for me in a better place,” read one. Another said, “Our dear Mong, do you feel no more pain in heaven? Are you happy there?”
A staff member ushered this reporter into the consultation room, where items such as urns and wooden caskets were displayed. The staff member explained that prices depend on the pet’s weight, estimating that a 5kg animal would cost around 200,000 KRW (roughly $150). Additional charges applied for memory stones—crafted by heating ashes into a solid, stone-like keepsake—as well as for shrouds and caskets. The entire process, including cremation and stone creation, typically took about an hour.
When asked whether the facility was officially licensed, the staff member responded, “We haven’t registered yet, but we’re no different from legal operators. We’ve been running this business for years without any issues.” However, officials from the Sangnok District Office confirmed that the crematorium had been operating without a permit for several years, with three fines already issued for illegal operations.
Kim Soo-hwan, a 52-year-old taxi driver, mentioned he had dropped off passengers at the crematorium at least three times this year. “People come here from all over—not just Ansan but also Siheung, Incheon, and Suwon,” he said. “Seeing someone holding their dog, crying their eyes out as they arrive at this remote place, it breaks my heart. I had no idea it was operating illegally.”
▲ Messages Written by Pet Owners to Their Departed Animals
Ansan City’s Agricultural Policy Officer Kang Jun-muk explained, “This crematorium was reported to the police for illegal operations as recently as February 8 of this year, and the case has been referred to the prosecution. There have been multiple reports in the past, but new owners continue to take over the business and keep it running for years.”
According to Kang, administrative actions like suspension of business are not possible since the crematorium is not officially registered. Under current law, penalties are limited to fines of up to 5 million KRW (approximately $3,700)
Illegal pet cremation services like this one are not uncommon. Last June, 32-year-old Lee Mo said goodbye to her pet cat and sought cremation services through a company she found via a search engine. The company claimed to be affiliated with licensed operators.
When Lee asked about additional charges for VAT and transportation, the operator became hostile, swearing at her for caring about money at such a time. Later, she discovered that the company had connected her to an unlicensed cremation facility.
As of 2022, South Korea’s Ministry of Agriculture, Food, and Rural Affairs reported that 25.4% of households owned pets, amounting to an estimated 13.06 million people. Despite this, the country has only 55 officially licensed pet cremation facilities—30 of which are in Gyeonggi Province. Seoul has none.
Illegal operators often lure grieving pet owners with promises like “cremation and funeral services available anywhere nationwide.” Many claim partnerships with legitimate businesses but ultimately direct customers to unlicensed facilities.
In one case, this reporter called a company advertising multiple branches across the country and asked about cremation services near Seoul. The operator directed me to a location in Siheung, supposedly capable of providing cremation and storage services. However, a check on the official e-Animal Funeral Portal revealed no licensed operators in Siheung.
Using an unlicensed facility comes with risks. Without adherence to hygiene standards, consumers may be exposed to contaminants. There’s also the possibility of ashes being mixed or lost. Moreover, without a formal “funeral certificate,” issued only by licensed operators, owners cannot officially deregister their pets. South Korean law mandates the deregistration of deceased pets within 30 days, with a fine of up to 500,000 KRW for non-compliance.
While recent amendments to the Animal Protection Act have increased penalties for unlicensed pet cremation services—up to two years in prison or a fine of 20 million KRW—the issue persists. Loopholes in the law allow illegal operators to claim affiliations with legitimate businesses without facing consequences.
As the demand for dignified pet aftercare grows, so too must oversight and enforcement. For grieving pet owners, the final farewell should not be overshadowed by questions of legality or integrity.
Originally Published in http://www.storyofseoul.com/news/articleView.html?idxno=10332
As the shadow of COVID-19 begins to lift, nurses are stepping out of their protective suits and into a moment of reflection. For some, the memories of working in isolation wards remain etched in their minds—a blend of exhaustion and small, deeply human triumphs. Yet, a lingering question persists: Could things have been better for patients if the system had been kinder to those caring for them?
“I felt content if I could make my patients smile, even just briefly,” says Baek Yi-young, 37, looking back on her time in an isolation ward. “In our ward, there were no TVs. Nurses were their only connection to the outside world.”
Baek worked at the National Health Insurance Service Ilsan Hospital in Goyang, South Korea, for 10 months, starting in July 2022. As she scrolls through photos from that period, a smile spreads across her face. In one picture, she’s clad in a stark white protective suit, adorned with colorful stickers—cartoon characters for children, a Van Gogh painting for art lovers, and even a dragon sticker to bond with a particularly reluctant patient.
▲ Nurse Baek Yi-young (Source: Instagram)
“Seeing my patients, I couldn’t help but think of my own family,” she reflects. “Watching someone recover and leave the hospital made all the fatigue and worry worth it. Even under the constant fear of infection, I think all of us nurses just wanted to help.”
But there were cracks in the foundation. Staffing shortages added to an already heavy burden, creating stress that often spilled over into the relationships between colleagues. “Whether it was the COVID-19 ward or a regular ward, the hardest part was conflicts with coworkers,” Baek says. “Most of it stemmed from being overworked.”
In general wards, a single nurse might be responsible for as few as eight or as many as twenty patients. The lack of manpower made it nearly impossible to ensure seamless care, including the critical handovers between shifts.
For those in isolation wards, the strain was even greater. “In these wards, nurses had to act as caregivers, family members, and everything in between,” says Do Hwa-young, 37, who worked at Pyeongtaek Paik Hospital during the pandemic. “If we truly want patients to receive better care, filling these gaps in nursing staff is non-negotiable.”
The numbers tell a grim story. A 2019 survey by the Korean Health and Medical Workers’ Union found that over 80% of nurses with 3–10 years of experience had considered quitting in the prior three months. Nearly half cited grueling workloads and poor working conditions. Despite a steady increase in the number of licensed nurses, only 50.9% were actively working in healthcare institutions as of 2022, according to the Korean Nurses Association. The result is a vicious cycle—burnt-out nurses leave, new but inexperienced recruits take their place, and the system repeats itself.
▲ Length of Service and Consideration of Resignation in the Past Three Months (Source: Korean Health and Medical Workers’ Union Website)
Baek knows this reality all too well. “Out of the 200 nurses who started at the hospital with me, about half quit within two years,” she says. “From the five colleagues who were with me in the COVID-19 ward, three have already left.”
Choi Hoon-hwa, a policy advisor for the Korean Nurses Association, sees these struggles as a reflection of deeper systemic flaws. “During the pandemic, the government expanded hospital beds and declared that the healthcare system was ready for critical care,” he says. “But the reality was a chronic shortage of healthcare workers, especially nurses. If this exodus continues, the ability to treat infectious diseases will only worsen.”
For Lee Ji-yoon, 30, who worked in intensive care units in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province under the Central Disaster Management Headquarters, the answer lies in staffing. “In ICUs, where most patients can neither speak nor move, the focus of the nurse becomes the most critical element in their recovery,” she says. “Protecting and improving working conditions for nurses shouldn’t just be a reaction to crises like COVID-19—it should be a continuous goal.”
Choi echoes that sentiment, calling for concrete measures to enforce staffing standards in infectious disease wards and specialized hospitals. “The ongoing debates around the Nursing Act miss the point,” he says. “The aim is clear: to expand public healthcare, integrate community-based care, and ensure that every patient receives high-quality nursing from experienced professionals.”
When asked if she regretted her time in the COVID-19 ward, Lee doesn’t hesitate. “Even if I could go back, I’d make the same choice,” she says. “From triage centers to major hospitals, it was grueling work, but those small words of gratitude from patients gave me a sense of pride in being a nurse. It’s a job I’ll always be proud of.”
Beneath the layers of protective gear, the pandemic revealed the resilience and humanity of nurses. But it also exposed a system stretched too thin—a lesson that cannot afford to be forgotten.
Through the thick glass of St. Peter’s Basilica, I once gazed upon Michelangelo’s Pietà. The sculpture, depicting the Virgin Mary cradling the lifeless body of Christ after His descent from the cross, was utterly breathtaking. The artist’s meticulous attention to detail, from the muscular anatomy to the folds of the fabric, conveyed a profound sense of divine omnipotence—making even the grief of a mother losing her son seem like an acceptance of fate. Yet, there was an emptiness in the Virgin Mary’s expression, as if it concealed a void too vast to comprehend.
After Typhoon Hinnamnor devastated southern Korea, the story of a mother and son’s final moments together deeply moved the nation. Fourteen-year-old Kim, affectionately nicknamed “Mom’s little shadow,” shared an extraordinary bond with his mother. That day, he insisted on accompanying her to the flooded basement parking lot to retrieve their car, worried about her going alone. When the waters rose swiftly, the mother urged her son to escape first. As Kim swam toward the exit, he left behind these parting words: “Thank you for raising me for this long time, mom.” She clung to a pipe for 14 harrowing hours and was ultimately rescued. Kim, however, was found lifeless later that night. His family, unable to find the words, said nothing when the mother asked about her son’s fate.
A few years ago, my father attended the funeral of a friend who had lost a child in a traffic accident. He returned home within hours, unable to bear the grief-stricken face of his friend, who could not even weep aloud. My father handed over his condolences and quietly left. Later, he said to me, “Sweetheart, always be careful crossing the street, for me, please.” as he wiped away tears. He never spoke of that day again. I could only imagine that no words could suffice in the presence of a parent’s unimaginable sorrow.
Even the awe-inspiring Pietà feels hollow when measured against the grief of parents who have lost their child. Their cries are often compared to the wails of an animal—raw, guttural, and primal. In some cases, parents cannot even bear the burden of hosting their child’s funeral, leaving others to stand in their place. Who could dare to judge such parents as weak or incapable? They are human, not divine. Only now do I think I understand the void in the Virgin Mary’s expression—a reflection of grief so profound, it transcends earthly comprehension.
The media and political authorities have historically engaged in a complex, often adversarial relationship that has shaped democratic societies. However, in March 2021, the Korean press faced an unprecedented crisis with the exposure of the “close relationship between the prosecution and the media.” This revelation has shaken public trust in journalism, with many citizens questioning whether the media can adequately monitor and critique authority, or if it has instead become complicit in unethical alliances. At the center of the controversy is Channel A reporter Lee Dong-jae, whose actions have ignited a larger debate about the direction and integrity of Korean journalism.
The Scandal Unfolds
On March 31, MBC’s News Desk reported that Channel A’s Lee Dong-jae, in collaboration with prosecutor Han Dong-hoon, used recorded transcripts to coerce Lee Chul, the imprisoned former CEO of Value Invest Korea, into exposing corruption among ruling party officials. The report’s widespread coverage triggered divided reactions. Some demanded accountability and disciplinary actions for ethical violations by Channel A, while others accused MBC of political bias, suggesting its report was influenced by ruling party figures.
Channel A issued an official apology on May 22 for breaching journalistic ethics and released a fact-finding report on May 25. Despite these efforts, the controversy only deepened. The Citizens’ Union of Democratic Media accused reporter Lee and prosecutor Han of intimidation and filed additional complaints against three other journalists implicated by Channel A’s internal investigation. Meanwhile, conservative groups accused MBC of spreading false information, claiming defamation and obstruction of business.
Justice Ministry Intervention
The scandal escalated when Justice Minister Choo Mi-ae demanded an investigation into the relationship between Channel A and the prosecution. On July 2, she ordered fact-finding reports from both Channel A and MBC. Later that month, Lee Dong-jae was arrested on charges of attempted coercion.
Prosecutor Han Dong-hoon, however, denied all allegations, claiming he had no involvement in corruption investigations related to ruling party figures. On July 4, Han filed a 500-million-won lawsuit against KBS reporters for defamation after the outlet released transcripts allegedly proving collusion. These transcripts were later found to be false. Han countered that the case should not be labeled as a “collusion of prosecutors,” calling for an investigation into the relationship between the press and political power.
The continuous revelations led to heated debates over whether the case was a reflection of media-prosecution collusion or a deeper issue involving political interference. Public attention turned to the limitations of Korean journalism, which many believe is increasingly influenced by ideological divides and external pressures.
Journalism’s Role in Self-Regulation
Some critics questioned whether it was appropriate to entrust the prosecution—one of the implicated parties—with investigating the matter. In an August 11 statement, the KBS National Press Workers’ Union argued, “This issue must be resolved internally by KBS, not the prosecution.” The union emphasized that journalism’s integrity can only be preserved through self-regulation, free from external intervention by political forces.
Lessons from International Precedents
This incident, stemming from Channel A’s ethical violations, highlights critical flaws in Korean journalism. Comparisons have been drawn to the Washington Post’s handling of the Jimmy’s World scandal in 1980, where the paper admitted to false reporting and reformed its ethical standards. Unlike the Washington Post, however, Korean media outlets involved in this case have yet to issue public apologies or take transparent corrective measures.
To prevent a recurrence, Korean media must adopt internal mechanisms to safeguard journalistic ethics. Establishing independent oversight bodies within and outside media organizations, as well as actively engaging with civil media organizations, could help restore public trust.
A Call for Change
Journalism evolves through its failures, but immoral journalism erodes its very foundation. Korean media must recognize this incident as a pivotal opportunity to reevaluate its ethical standards, rebuild public trust, and reinforce its role as a pillar of democracy. By adopting robust internal reforms and fostering accountability, the press can begin to close the gaps in its integrity and fulfill its responsibility to society.
The Burning Sun Scandal: Uncovering Corruption Between Authorities and the Prostitution Industry
In 2019, an assault case at the infamous Burning Sun club in Gangnam, Seoul, sent shockwaves through society. The club, partially owned by the celebrity Seungri, became the epicenter of controversy as investigations revealed that police officers were allegedly protecting the establishment rather than the victim. Suspicions of collusion between law enforcement and the club’s management intensified when media reports uncovered that the lead investigator frequently visited the club. Further, it was discovered that former police officers had helped conceal prostitution arrangements for high-profile clients. This scandal, dubbed “Burning Sun Gate,” laid bare the deep-rooted relationship between police and the entertainment industry, including prostitution, sparking public outcry for systemic reforms.
Types of Adult Entertainment Establishments
So-called “adult entertainment” venues in South Korea are broadly categorized into three types. Among them, establishments classified as Type 1—those that serve alcohol and employ hostesses, such as room salons and cabarets—are notorious for facilitating illegal activities, including prostitution. Under current laws, any sexual engagement between female employees and customers in such venues is illegal.
However, the illegal prostitution industry continues to operate within the gray areas of these laws, remaining a persistent societal problem. Despite efforts to enhance monitoring systems and increase penalties, the cases brought to light are merely the tip of the iceberg. This ineffectiveness is partly due to the close relationship between local police and prostitution businesses. Pimps often bribe police officers, offering cash and other incentives to evade enforcement.
Police and Prostitution: A Pattern of Collusion
Recent media reports have consistently exposed incidents of corrupt ties between the police and the prostitution industry. In February 2020, a police officer known as “A” was acquitted of allegations that he had accepted bribes from a prostitution business owner and leaked investigation details during a major crackdown. Officer A had previously uncovered evidence implicating Lee Kyung-baek, known as the “Emperor of Room Salons” in Gangnam, for bribing police officers to avoid scrutiny. Despite his attempts to expose these dealings in court, his testimony was countered by a colleague, Officer B, who was later revealed to have been complicit in the corruption.
When Officer B’s testimony was discredited, Officer A was cleared of the charges, leading to the arrest of 18 individuals from a list of 66 implicated police officers, known as the “Lee Kyung-baek List.” Investigations revealed that police officers not only received bribes to overlook illegal activities but also actively participated in the financial operations of prostitution establishments, such as lending money for investment purposes and sharing intelligence on crackdowns.
Regional Scandals: The Case of Daegu
In November 2019, workers in Daegu’s “Jagal Madang,” a notorious prostitution hub, alleged collusion between local police and pimps. Following an extensive investigation, the Daegu Provincial Police summoned over 90 individuals on charges of bribery and dereliction of duty. However, despite clear evidence against three incumbent officers, the case was closed six months later, citing a lack of concrete proof. Public criticism of the police’s self-serving investigation mounted, as citizens saw the decision as further evidence of a “protect their own” mentality within law enforcement.
Breaking the Cycle of Corruption
These incidents highlight the entrenched ties between public authorities and prostitution establishments. Eradicating illegal prostitution is nearly impossible without dismantling the corrupt relationships that enable it. Public officials, particularly those tasked with enforcing the law, must act with greater integrity to sever these connections.
To address these issues, stricter disciplinary actions and heavier penalties for public officials involved in bribery and corruption are necessary. Additionally, forming central government-led monitoring groups to oversee police-prostitution relations could be a solution. Investigative teams comprising prosecutors, police, and civilians should be empowered to conduct rigorous investigations and enforce meaningful punishments. On a local level, expanding the “Judicial Police Corps” with retired officers could strengthen crackdowns on illegal entertainment establishments.
Towards Systemic Change
The logic of “where there is demand, there will be supply” can no longer serve as an excuse for inaction. While consumers of prostitution should face strict penalties, the government must also focus on investigating how women are exploited within the industry and how pimps evade law enforcement. Only through such thorough and systemic efforts can we break the ties between public authorities and the prostitution industry, moving closer to a society free of illegal exploitation.
In 2019, an assault case occurred at the famous club “Burning Sun” in Gangnam, Seoul, where famous celebrity Seungri was running with a stake. In the course of the investigation, it was revealed that the police were defending the club rather than the victim, raising suspicions of a collusion between the police and the club’s management. It caused a great social shock when the media reported that the police officer who led the investigation in this case frequently visited the club and that the former police had cooperated in concealing the prostitution arrangement for high-ranking people. Even after the ‘Burning Sun Gate’ incident, the close relationship between the police and the huge entertainment industry, including prostitution, is constantly exposed, raising calls for a surveillance system and a new punishment method to break this “black relationship.”
This so-called “Adult Entertainment” are largely sorted into three types. Among them, the place where illegal entertainment such as sexual advances are mainly performed is the establishment that corresponds to type 1, which sells alcoholic beverages and employs a waitress (helper), and includes establishments such as *room saloons and cabarets”. Under the current legal system, any kind of sexual intercourse between a female employee and a customer in any type of establishment is illegal.
However, the illegal prostitution industry, which straddles the boundaries of these laws, has been regarded as an unresolved problem from the past to the present. Despite the strengthening of the monitoring system that can detect illegal prostitution and the steadily increasing the level of punishment for this, the crackdown cases that have surfaced are just the tip of the iceberg. Despite society-wide efforts to eradicate illegal prostitution, the number of cases actually caught or cracked down is too low. One of the reasons is the close relationship between prostitution pimps and local police. Prostitution pimps offer bribes in various forms, including cash, to local police officers to avoid the regulations.
Such incidents related to the corrupt adhesion between the police and the prostitution industries have been continuously exposed through media reports in recent years. On February 26, 2020, police officer A (49 years old), who was accused of receiving bribes from a prostitution business owner and leaking investigation information during a massive crackdown on prostitution, was acquitted. In the past, police officer A caught the situation in which ‘Kyung-baek Lee’, who is called ‘The Emperor of Room Saloon’ in Seoul, including the Gangnam area, continuously took bribes and trades with police officers to avoid crackdowns. He tried to make a statement in court to let the public know the truth of this case, but the verdict was overturned with the false testimony of his colleague B, who was actually involved in the corrupt relationship with pimps.
However, as all of the testimonies of officer B were found to be false, officer A was able to escape the unjust charge. In the process, a bunch of police officers suspected of collusion with Lee Kyung-baek were caught. The ‘Lee Kyung-baek List’, which was released through the investigation into the situation, included 66 former and current police officers, of which 18 were arrested.
According to the results of the investigation that followed, the job crimes of police officers related to prostitution, including the ‘Lee Kyung-baek case’, occurred not only with the pimps who directly run the establishment, but also in the dealings with the gang that owns the stake in the prostitution establishment. It is known that these covert transactions were mainly done in a way that overlooked illegal activities such as operating an illegal sexual entertainment establishment or arranging prostitution, or receiving bribes and delivering investigation information such as the schedule and location of the crackdown in advance. In addition, the fact that it was done in a more active way of collecting profits after lending money to business owners for investment purposes was revealed, which caused more public criticism of public authorities.
Meanwhile, in November 2019, workers in the so-called ‘Jagal Madang’, known as a gathering place for prostitution in Daegu, argued for a back-scratching alliance between incumbent police officers and pimps. Since the complaint was received in May, the police have conducted extensive investigations, including summoning 90 people for four allegations, including collusion with police officers in charge of the prostitution gathering area and extortion of money in the name of business protection expenses. The Daegu Provincial Police Agency announced that it would send three incumbent police officers with clear criminal circumstances out of 11 current and former police officers who were investigated for these suspicions to the prosecution on charges of bribery and abandonment of duties. But later it reversed its position and closed the case six months later saying that the police officers who are accused had in fact nothing to do with the corrupt relationship with prostitution industries. Citizens criticized the police’s ‘defend around thier own family’ type of investigation. The public believes that The National Police Agency’s claim that “the case was closed because it could not find concrete evidence” is just another evidence of their close relationship, and that it only revealed the intention to protect their ‘family’.
These incidents are just examples of the link between public power and prostitution businesses. Actual crackdown on prostitution is inevitably far away unless the relationship between the prostitution establishments and the public authorities, which evolves cleverly and secretly, is broken. It is almost impossible to cut off illegal prostitution in our society unless public officials, who are supposed to perform their duties with more integrity than other professions, do not cut off dealings with business owners.
Therefore, if a situation of bribery and prostitution by public officials, including the police, is discovered, a heavier punishment and internal disciplinary action should be taken. In addition, as in the case mentioned above, to monitor the relationship between local police officers and prostitutes more closely, organizing a regular monitoring group at the central government level could be a solution. It is necessary to encourage the activities of the investigation team made up of prosecutors, police and citizens, and to ensure that strict investigations and punishments are carried out in this process. In addition, at the local government level, it may be possible to consider expanding the “Judicial Police Corps” composed of retired and former police officers to crack down on illegal entertainment establishments.
Now is the time to break away from the irresponsible logic of ‘Since there are demands, there are supplies’. Of course, those who directly participate in the prostitution industry as consumers should be thoroughly punished. But more importantly, the governmental authority should investigate how women are exploited within the structure of the prostitution industry and how their pimps evade the investigation network in a more active way. This is because only when this meticulous and careful process is preceded, we can break the ties with the public authorities and move one step closer to the true severance of illegal prostitution.
Issued on March 31, 2020.
*It refers to a bar where people can drink in a partitioned room, and in Korea, prostitution with female employees takes place.
**Source: <청렴저널Journal of Integrity> (Transparency International Korea), Eunseo HONG
“Everyone knows that it is dangerous for a woman to travel alone in India. She should have either not gone in the first place, or be prepared herself for sexual assault.”
“A woman who went alone to India, the ‘rape paradise’, deserved it.”
“She voluntarily paid 100,000 won to participate in such a (religious) ritual. It’s her responsibility for whatever happened.”
“It was stupid choice for an elementary school girl to follow that old man. wasn’t it?”, “Why? Why did she seduce a man by wearing a short skirt? And she was filming it with a camera. That was clearly risk-taking”
“She didn’t do anything smart, drinking so much that she couldn’t even control herself at workplace.”
“It’s clear that the city councilman is crazy, but look at the message! The woman didn’t even stubbornly say no to that man. She even texted ‘Have a nice weekend’ to him!”
Surprisingly, all of these are comments on sex crime news reports.
Imagine that one day you were walking down the street and a complete stranger threw a rock at you and ran away. You will immediately think: ‘Isn’t that person completely out of mind?’ And when you tell your family, friends, and acquaintances about this, the reaction would be usually like this. “Isn’t he crazy?”
However, in the case of sexual crimes, people’s reactions are quite strange. People suddenly have very high moral standards when it comes to female victims of sex crimes committed by lovers, ex-partners, or total strangers. “Obviously the man’s act was wrong, but the woman was also careless,” or “Maybe that woman seduced him first.”
In fact, if you look at news coverage about sexual crime among the comments criticizing the male perpetrator, some people always find the cause of the crime in the female victim. Let’s look at the following examples.
“It wasn’t a wise decision for that woman to drink so much at work that she was unable to control herself.”
This is a comment made on an article released by Chosun Ilbo on an incident when an owner of a restaurant in Seoul sexually harassed a lady who worked there part-time. There were as many as nine individuals who liked the comment.
Finding such comments in other sex crime news articles wasn’t tough. This time, the article describes a sexual offense that happened to a ‘fully sober’ female victim.
This is a comment left on an article regarding an event where a stranger man in Taiwan sexually assaulted a female Korean Internet content creator.
“That woman should have to think twice before seducing a man sexually with her short skirt. And that woman was taking a video. That was risk-taking.”
The commenter blames the female victim for putting herself in danger by using her camera to film and sexually “provoking” a man by wearing a short skirt.
Some might believe this to be an odd response and a stupid claim made by unethical people. But “Victim Blaming,” which is placing the blame on the victim in a criminal case rather than the perpetrator, is more widespread than we realize and is a deeply embedded reaction strategy in people’s unconscious minds. Furthermore, it is more easy to find people who blame female victims in cases of sexual crimes. So why is the victim always held responsible? Why do we think in this way? The answer can be found in the “News” that we read every day.
Q1. What Is Victim Blaming ?
Victim Blaming is one of the primary topics in victimology. According to Karmen (2010), the term refers to holding the victim accountable for their decisions and actions at the time of the crime. This idea holds that individuals think there is a definite difference between those who have experienced crime and “us,” who have not been victims of crime.
The following three concepts are used in victimology to analyze the reasons behind victim blaming. They are Shared Responsibility, Just World Hypothesis, and Invulnerability Theory.
The idea of Shared Responsibility holds that both the perpetrator and the victim are somewhat to blame for their part in a crime. To minimize their chances of encountering crime, victims must stay away from harmful individuals or situations; therefore, if they fail to do so, they should take some of the blame for the crime together with the perpetrator. To put it simply, a woman who is in a state of insanity due to alcohol or drugs, or a child who follows an adult she does not know without hesitation, should not blame only the perpetrator but themselves.
Just World Hypothesis describes the belief that terrible things only happen to inherently bad people and that good people are rewarded for following the law. According to this hypothesis, damage from crime is unquestionably a form of ‘punishment’ that only occurs to people who have done bad things in the past. Therefore, scary things such as crimes cannot happen to ‘good’ people who strictly follow the laws and moral ethics of society.
Invulnerability theory explains that people tend to place the blame on victims to preserve their sense of safety and the belief that they are unlikely to become victims of crime. This hypothesis suggests that those who place the blame on the victim attempt to reassure themselves against the threat of crime by seeing themselves as entirely distinct from the victim.
Victim blaming is a form of self-defense in this sense. There exist countless justifications for why someone may blame the victim. Thus, the unconscious procedures we go through to develop these tendencies can be explained by victimology. What, then, triggers the idea of victim blaming in our minds, and how or why does it lead us to have this tendency? While there are a lot of answers possible here, the media—especially “news”—is to be the most accurate.
Q2. Why Do People Choose to Do That? – News Framing
Worldwide recognition of sexual crimes and female victims as significant societal issues and topics for legal discourse dates back to the 1970s. “Beaten Wife” was first used in 1974. Later, the phrase “sexual harassment” first surfaced in 1975, the expression “rape” first appeared in 1980, and it wasn’t until the 1990s that stalking was officially recognized as a crime (Belknap, 2001). In other words, before that, there did not even exist proper terms to define men’s sexual violence, abuse, and harassment against women. It is less than a century since society began talking about crimes against women and their victims—which happen daily—in the public eye.
Moreover, sexual crime is not something that most people face every day; instead, most people who live ordinary lives usually encounter sexual crimes through short articles in the society section of newspapers, TV news, or podcasts that cover scary mystery cases. In fact, according to a survey conducted in 2013 with the general population in South Korea, 84.6% of the female respondents learned about sexual violence from news sources such as newspapers or television (Kwon & Lee, 2013). As a result, the media plays an essential part in shaping the majority of the public’s view of reality and attitudes regarding sexual crime incidence, its offenders, and its victims. Put another way, the news “frames” our perception of sexual crimes just like it does any other issue.
According to the classic definition of Goffman (1986), a frame is a “schema of interpretation” that allows us to understand the meaning of information or events. Entman (1993) defined a frame serves to highlight and draw attention to one particular component of reality while also leading individuals to focus less on other aspects of it.
How then do news frames recreate our reality? As direct newsmakers, journalists and media outlets choose particular events from the countless happening around the globe and determine when, how, and with what words to cover them using their internalized professionalism, ideology, and attitudes. Through these news stories, the public decides how to perceive and evaluate the event and everything else in the world related to the event.
For example, let’s say that on this morning’s news, the anchor said, “Research has shown that people’s farts on the street are worsening air quality.” On your way to work today, you might think that you need to be careful not to fart by accident, and you might find yourself criticizing someone on the street who secretly farts.
The news frame functions as a kind of window that displays us the outside world in this manner. Therefore, rather than being simply the responsibility of certain journalists or media organizations, frames should be seen as an object of larger and epistemological discussion relating to concerns of societal values.
Consequently, we must be aware of how the media “frames” the sexual crime case itself, the female victim, and the perpetrator when we read or watch news on sexual crimes. We might end up unintentionally thinking that the victim bears the blame for what happened to them, because those ideas do not just appear in our heads.
Q3. How Does The News Lead People to Blame The Victim? What Are The Examples?
So how does the media tell people about sexual crime and the experiences of female victims? According to Meyers (1994), victim-blaming tactics in media coverage fall into two categories: “direct victim blaming tactics,” which include depicting the victim as an immoral individual, and “indirect victim blaming tactics,” which include making excuses for the perpetrator (loss through divorce, alcohol and drug use, or emotional collapse in control).
Furthermore, research from Taylor (2009) and Richards et al. (2011) indicated that direct victim blaming also involved relationships with other males, stressing the victim’s decision not to disclose previous occurrences, and using negative phrases about the victim in the article title. Indirect victim blaming included sympathetic descriptions of the perpetrator, emphasis on the perpetrator’s mental, physical, and financial problems, and mention of the victim’s mental and physical problems or alcohol and drug use.
Let’s take a specific case. Regarding the gang rape of women that happened on June 11, 2000, during the Puerto Rican Day parade in Central Park, New York, Carll (2003) noted that numerous news reports indicated that the victims did not contact 911 right away following the incident.He claimed that those news reports had downplayed the significance of the event and morally condemned the victims.
Additionally, the framing of the victims’ claims or behaviors as deviant psychological occurrences was another component of the news that was as common as moral judgment targeted at the victims. For example, the media reports pathologized Anita Hill as a woman with hypersexuality and an act of delusion resulting from a single woman’s repressed and unfulfilled sexual desires in the coverage of her case, in which she filed charges of sexual harassment against Supreme Court Justice Clarence Thomas (Fisk, 1996).
The same tendency for victim blaming in media coverage was obvious in the case of South Korea. When Yoo (1999) examined articles about rape, child sexual abuse, and sexual harassment that were published in four Korean newspapers between 1994 and 1996, she discovered that the news was more concerned with the behavior of the female victims than it was with the male perpetrators. Furthermore, it was discovered that the media blamed the female victims for the crime, characterizing them as “reckless” and “negligent.” Furthermore, Kim (2004) examined newspaper society sections for articles concerning sexual crimes where women are the victims. He discovered that Korean media directly quotes information from public sources like the police while excluding statements of women who have been harmed. Victim’s voices were found to frequently be left out.
Reports of sexual crimes in Korean news directly reflect and reproduce Korea’s patriarchal and gender-biased culture. Various news reporting methods from the male writer’s patriarchal perspective, such as perpetrator-centered narratives, marginalization and otherization of female victims, depictions of “lost sexual purity” and emphasis on women’s physical vulnerability and passivity, are also common in today’s news.
The news articles about Korean sexual offenses that were published in Chosun Ilbo and Hankyoreh 1throughout the previous three years, from 2021 to 2023, were examined in-depth by this writer. About half (48.61%, 35 cases) of the 72 news articles that were examined contained direct or indirect victim blaming. Let’s take a look at some examples.
The two newspapers were chosen as representative media outlets among major Korean newspapers, with conservative and progressive tendencies, respectively. ↩︎
The most prevalent instance was a news article stating that the female victim was “drunk” when the crime was committed. The victim’s usage of drugs and alcohol was mentioned in 14 cases (38.9%) of the articles.
At the same time, the perpetrator’s use of alcohol was explained as the justification for the crime, saying that the perpetrator committed the crime impulsively while having difficulty making rational judgments.’
Imagine someone coming across these articles by chance. Words like “drunk,” “unconscious,” and “couldn’t control herself” lead readers to believe that if the victim had been more cautious or had left the scene after drinking just a little bit less, this regrettable tragedy would never have occurred. The same goes for the perpetrator. When the news ‘intentionally’ mentions that the perpetrator committed a sexual crime while drunk, it is no different from telling people that if the man had been sober and in a rational mindset, he would not have done such a bad thing.
So what about sex crime cases where alcohol is not involved? News reports still showed sympathy for the perpetrators and criticism of the victims.
However, the victim’s physical, emotional, and financial issues were cited as justifications for why they had no option but to become the object of sexual crimes.
These few cases reveal what ‘window’ news reports show sexual crimes and female victims to the public. Numerous reports portrayed the sexual crime as the result of the female victim’s behavior, consumption of alcohol, or mental or physical issues; yet, the same traits or actions of the perpetrator were cited as the explanation for the crime. While media coverage pretended to be objective, they presented sexual crimes from a male-centric viewpoint, suggesting that condemnation of female victims was acceptable. However, the majority of individuals (if they’re lucky enough) will learn about most sexual crimes and the experiences of women who have been victims of media coverage. What are the realistic options for the journalist then? Also, how should the media cover this issue in the future?
Q4. Then What Are the Options for Journalists?
First and foremost, journalists must identify and eliminate any victim blaming and sexist language from article titles and content.
The victim’s “drunkenness,” “severe depression,” or “inappropriate clothing” are not factors that should be taken into account when describing the start and progress of a sexual crime and the proper punishment for the perpetrator. Emphasizing the victim’s drug and alcohol abuse, irresponsible relationships with men, obsessive-compulsive personality, and deviant behavior might be used to suggest—even if the writer didn’t intend to do so—that the victim was deserving of the crime. Therefore, it is crucial to first ascertain whether the unfavorable or prejudiced representation of the victim in the article’s title and content is truly necessary to properly describe the case.
Second, news coverage must focus on the stories and voices of victims.
There is a need to put aside the perpetrator’s unfortunate past and pay attention to the wounds and pain suffered by the victim as a result of the crime. In other words, the central character of the story needs to shift from the perpetrator to the victim. The majority of people don’t care how the victim’s life has altered since the sexual crime; instead, they are more concerned with the punishment or additional penalties the perpetrator will face. This is a result of inadequate news reporting. The primary source of information for a large number of sex crime news stories is the report of police investigations. Police investigations typically go into great depth regarding the criminal’s motivation and purpose, leaving out any information regarding the victim’s physical or emotional suffering. This doesn’t diminish the necessity for the media to shed light on stories from the victim’s point of view. Not listening to victims’ voices not only makes it difficult for journalists to accurately understand sexual crime cases, but it also dulls awareness of the seriousness of sexual crimes among the public who consumes news, and further slows down public discussion about prevention and solutions.
Third, the perpetrator’s circumstances should not be included in the reporting if they have no direct bearing on the facts surrounding the sexual crime.
In addition to justifying sexual crimes and dehumanizing victims, revealing the offender’s motivation for the crime also shapes the public perception of the victim as someone who is a stranger. This prevailing social atmosphere fosters public pity for the perpetrator, holds the victim accountable for issues that call for community-based solutions, and deprives higher-level initiatives like sexual crime prevention laws and social system development of top priority. Therefore, the focus should be on fundamental concerns like the lack of a social safety net and a crime prevention system rather than the perpetrator’s sorrow or struggles like sexual desires.
Negative news portrayals of female crime victims are likely to have an impact on social policy as well as how the public views both victims and perpetrators. Thus, all journalists must comprehend that altering the method of news coverage of sexual crimes will be the initial move toward diminishing paternalistic discourse, lessening victim-blaming attitudes, and advancing gender equality in Korean society.
Denmark implemented the anti-discrimination law in 1939. Since the 1960s, immigration patterns have led to a gradual increase in the number of residents from other countries in Denmark, with immigrant families now accounting for approximately 15.4% of the total population.
However, Denmark is not standing at the center of discussions on racial discrimination issues. In other words, for most Danes, racism is not a ‘visible’ social agenda. A survey conducted by Politiken and TV2 in 2020 found that 51% of respondents completely or largely disagreed that racism is a widespread problem in Denmark.
So, if you decide to study in Aarhus, Denmark’s biggest student city, will you be able to avoid racism and live a safe, peaceful daily life? Through this journey, you will experience the issues of racism faced by non-western people living in Denmark.
This virtual journey features stories adapted from the real-life experiences of international people living in Aarhus. In particular, emotional words such as “unwelcome, horrifying, and speechless” were taken directly from their words.
This map was created based on six testimonies the reporter collected through interviews. If you click the icon, you can see their photos, read their stories, and hear their voices.
Danish students who do not directly experience racism also say they often hear disappointing stories from their close friends. Kamilla Gamborg, a 26-year-old college student, said, “If you look at the classroom in Denmark, it’s mostly white, blonde students. Sometimes, I think we need more diversity in our society.”
Non-western people living in Denmark face discrimination in their daily lives, ranging from overt verbal discrimination to subtle discrimination in speaking tone and behavioral attitude, to practical social structural barriers such as disadvantages in the job market.
Victims of racial discrimination say that just because such problems are opaque and difficult to identify, that doesn’t mean it can’t become a topic of social discourse. Luis Cervantes, an International student from Mexico, said “If Danes accepted that racism is something on a daily basis for some people, wouldn’t there be more efforts to address it?”
